Hiển thị các bài đăng có nhãn Syria. Hiển thị tất cả bài đăng
Hiển thị các bài đăng có nhãn Syria. Hiển thị tất cả bài đăng

Chủ Nhật, 19 tháng 2, 2012

Forget Syria: 5 cases where the U.N. wasn't impotent

The U.N.'s condemnation of Syria won't force Bashar al-Assad to end his bloody crackdown. But that doesn't mean the U.N. is always toothless It's easy to see why impatient critics are bemoaning the United Nations. The U.N. General Assembly passed a resolution Thursday condemning Syrian President Bashar al-Assad for human rights abuses, and backing Arab League efforts to end the country's deadly attacks on anti-Assad rebels and protesters. But the measure is non-binding — it "lacks bite," says Bloomberg. Couple that with Russia and China's veto of a stronger Security Council resolution aiming to force Assad to surrender power, and it's clear why commentators are calling the U.N. irrelevant. But the U.N. isn't always ineffective. Here, a sampling of five cases where the much-maligned international body truly made a difference:

1. Libya
A year ago, protests broke out in Libya, triggering a bloody civil war. The country's longtime leader, Moammar Gadhafi, tried to stamp out the opposition. The U.N. Security Council imposed a no-fly zone, which provided the air support rebels needed to topple the regime. That initiative was at least a qualified success, says Britain's Telegraph. Today, "Libya has published its final draft of the country's election law," giving a voice to a "vibrant mix" of political parties banned under the late Gadhafi's rule.

SEE MORE: Syria's twin suicide bombings: Who's to blame?

2. Tsunami relief
The U.N.'s vast humanitarian operation has the resources to spring into action in crisis. Within 48 hours of the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, the U.N. had food, clean drinking water, and vaccines on the ground, eventually reaching millions of people in the 12 hardest hit countries. The relief effort was made possible, says the Better World Campaign, because the U.N. has a network of agencies doing a "vast array of day-to-day work that dramatically improves people’s lives around the world."

3. Cyprus
"For close to four decades, Cyprus has been one of the most troublesome problems faced by the United Nations," says Nathan Morley at Voice of America. The former Greek colony was split in two in 1974, when Turkey invaded the northern part of the Mediterranean island. A U.N. peacekeeping force has enforced a buffer zone for decades, allowing diplomats to try to coax the officially recognized government, which controls the southern two-thirds of the island, and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, recognized only by Turkey, to reunite.

SEE MORE: Ousting Syria's Assad: Whose responsibility is it?

4. Cambodia
The U.N.'s peace mission in war-ravaged Cambodia had its critics, Elizabeth Becker said 17 years ago in The New York Times. Some said it was "too costly," and left behind still-impoverished peasants and a government still rife with corruption. Others said it was ineffective because it didn't entirely get rid of the Khmer Rouge. But "what's forgotten is what moved the U.N. to mount the plan: Two decades of war [and] destruction of society by the Khmer Rouge, who caused one million deaths and massacred intellectuals, creating one of the world's lowest literacy rates." The U.N. mission led to the 1991 Paris peace plan — which "worked, however imperfectly. It ended the war, brought 350,000 refugees home and set up democratic elections, in which 90 percent of the population voted."

5. Korea
After World War II, the Korean Peninsula (which had been under Japanese control) was split into two parts: the Soviet-backed North, and the U.S.-backed South. In 1950, the North invaded the South, and the Security Council promptly authorized sending Western troops to fight with South Korea. "It was in Korea that the U.N. first authorized the use of force in the name of collective security," says American Military and Naval History. When the fighting ended in 1953, South Korea's security was assured, and a buffer zone that still exists was established.

SEE MORE: Has the Arab League failed in Syria?

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Thứ Tư, 15 tháng 2, 2012

Crisis in Syria Looks Very Different on Satellite Channels Owned by Russia and Iran

Part of a Syrian state television report on Friday’s bombings of government sites in the city of Aleppo.

As my colleague Neil MacFarquhar reports, the flood of video documenting atrocities in Syria has intensified in the past 24 hours, with gruesome images broadcast on state television following bomb blasts in the city of Aleppo and more clips posted online by opposition activists of the assault on besieged neighborhoods of Homs.

On Friday, Syrian state media reports, featuring graphic views of corpses, blamed the bombing of military and police targets in Aleppo on “terrorists.” A spokesman for the Free Syrian Army, an opposition group of military defectors, denied involvement and called the explosions a cynical government ploy to draw attention from the bombardment of Homs.

A day earlier, residents of Homs told The Times by telephone that there had been no pause in the shelling of contested neighborhoods by government forces. To illustrate the assault on Homs, opposition activists uploaded a stream of video to the Web featuring now-familiar images of heavy weapons fire tearing through the neighborhood of Baba Amr, and distressing clips of civilian casualties.

Video posted online by Syrian opposition activists on Friday, said to show government tanks shelling the Baba Amr district of Homs.

While that amateur video, recorded and distributed by activists, seems to have the ring of truth for many observers watching the crisis unfold in cities that are largely off limits to foreign reporters, the conflict looks quite different to viewers of two English-language satellite channels owned by the governments of Syria’s allies, Russia and Iran.

On those channels, the conflict in Syria is presented largely the same way that it has been since the start of the uprising by Syria’s own, state-run media, as an assault on a legitimate government with popular support by groups of armed terrorists.

So, for example, a news bulletin on Iran’s state-controlled Press TV on Thursday made no use of activist video, but focused instead on the claim that a leader of the rebel Free Syrian Army in Homs was killed by government forces. In the Press TV report, the commander said to have been killed, Abdul Razzaq Talas, a military defector, was described as “the ringleader of the so-called Al Farouk militant group.”

While activists describe Al Farouk as a brigade of the Free Syrian Army, defending protesters from government forces, the Iranian channel’s Web site reported that the “militant group” was “blamed for terrorist attacks against civilians and security and military forces in Syria.”

Russia Today, a Kremlin-financed channel that finds fault with Vladimir V. Putin’s government about as often as Fox News produces exposés on the Republican Party, also presents the situation in Syria as a conflict between armed groups, not a government crackdown on what started as a peaceful protest movement. Unlike the Iranian channel, the Russian network does acknowledge the claims of activists, although it also regularly broadcasts interviews with pundits who deride the opposition as terrorists.

On Friday, for instance, a Russia Today report on the bombings in Aleppo treated as absolute fact a disputed claim of responsibility from what was described as a Syrian rebel source, and then cut to a young, British correspondent who spent several weeks in Syria recently for comment.

The network’s anchor began the interview by asking: “The Free Syrian Army now claiming responsibility for these enormous blasts in Syria today, do you think there’s any chance that could change NATO states’ attitudes towards the armed opposition groups in the country?” The reporter, a contributor to both Russia Today and Press TV named Lizzie Phelan replied: “I would say that this attack was directed from London, Tel Aviv, Paris and New York.”

One day earlier, another Russia Today report from a correspondent in London claimed that activists from the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, based in Britain, were intentionally feeding news organizations “false information” about civilian casualties. A pundit featured in the report suggested that the activists were engaged in a media campaign to tarnish the government of President Bashar al-Assad in order to justify armed intervention and bring about “regime change.”

Unlike other news organizations that have sent correspondents into contested areas of Syria, evading government restrictions at great personal risk to their safety, most of Russia Today’s coverage of events in Syria seems to rely on updates from correspondents who are interviewed from studios in Damascus and screen no original video.

In an update on the fighting in Homs on Wednesday, a Russia Today anchor in Moscow interviewed a woman in a Damascus studio identified as “a local correspondent” named Diana Nemeh, whose only source of information appeared to be statements from the Syrian government on its operations against “terrorists” in the city.

As video of explosions in the city uploaded to the Web by activists played in the background, Ms. Nemeh, who appears to have no previous record as a journalist for English-language news organizations, said that there had been “fierce fighting” between the Free Syrian Army and the military in the city. She added that the Syrian government “has reported many casualties on the ground that have fallen dead in the last few days in Homs.”

Then, after a headline flashed up on the screen reading, “Reporter: Disinformation Makes it Difficult to Establish Homs Reality,” the correspondent in Damascus said, “It’s really hard to determine what’s really going on on the ground there.”

After acknowledging that activists “say that the Syrian military has basically bombed some parts of the city,” Ms. Nemeh quickly added: “the government has completely refuted any type of involvement — that they have actually shelled on its own people in the city of Homs — they blame it on the terrorist groups that have taken an active role in the city. They are spread all over the place there and causing many casualties. The government has also issued many statements today that the security forces were able to kill tens of terrorists that belong to these terrorist groups that they also believe, that are being backed by foreign influence on the ground.”

The rest of the channel’s report consisted entirely of a recitation of comments by Mr. Putin and the Russian foreign minister, Sergey V. Lavrov, warning other countries that military intervention on behalf of the opposition would only lead to more violence. The effect of continued Russian arms sales to the Syrian government were not mentioned.

While restrictions imposed by the Syrian government on reporting inside the country do make it difficult to verify the authenticity of claims by activists, other television networks, like the BBC, have managed to send reporters to Homs and other besieged towns to gather information and report on the situation firsthand. The coverage of the conflict on Press TV and Russia Today, by contrast, relies so heavily on interviews with correspondents seated in studios in Damascus — whose information varies little, if at all, from that on Syrian state television — that it often seems closer to ideologically driven punditry than impartial news gathering.

Before Ms. Nemeh filled that role, Ms. Phelan was featured in several reports for the networks from Damascus during her visit to the city, which lasted weeks. Early last month, Ms. Phelan also appeared as a guest on the Syrian government channel. In that interview she described how impressed she had been by the spectacle of a government-organized rally in support of President Bashar al-Assad and called BBC and Al Jazeera reports focused on unrest in the country misleading.

Ms. Phelan, 25, worked as a correspondent for both networks in Libya last year, where she earned the hatred of opposition activists for a series of reports in which she defended the Qaddafi government. Even as Tripoli fell to the Libyan rebels in late August, Ms. Phelan insisted in a report for Russia Today that video of rebel advances was not genuine, and had been fabricated by Al Jazeera as part of “the media conspiracy against Libya.”

Ms. Phelan explained in an interview with The Lede last week that she visited Damascus in January to work on a documentary with a cameraman from Iran’s semiofficial Fars news agency, which is close to the Islamic Republican Guard Corps, but reported for Press TV and Russia Today in her spare time.

During her time in Syria, Ms. Phelan claimed in a series of interviews with the channels that information supplied by the Syrian government was credible, while opposition reports were fabricated. In one appearance on Press TV from the Syrian capital, Ms. Phelan said that claims of violence by the security forces came only from activists “linked to Western intelligence services.”

In another Press TV interview late last month, Ms. Phelan claimed that “Al Jazeera has been proven many times over the last few months, over and over again, to have been broadcasting fabricated footage from Syria and from Libya.” The same day, she told Russia Today that Qatar had launched a “media war” to topple Mr. Assad.

She also claimed in that interview that a BBC report from the town of Zabadani that day, which showed that it was under rebel control, was false because, she said, she had driven there the night before and was told by Syrian forces that there were no rebels. Despite the fact that the BBC report featured Jeremy Bowen, a vastly experienced correspondent, in Zabadani, Ms. Phelan provided no video of her own journey to support her claim that the British network — which is state-financed but editorially independent — was wrong. (My colleague Kareem Fahim also visited Zabadani the next day and reported from there that Syrian troops had indeed withdrawn from the town, leaving it in rebel hands.)

In a recent conversation with The Lede, Ms. Phelan defended her work for the Russian and Iranian government channels, which she says are immune to the “Western cultural imperialism,” that drives British and American news organizations, including The Times and the BBC, bent “criminalizing independent and sovereign states of the global south like Iran, like the government of Ahmadinejad, like Syria, like Venezuela, like China, like Russia.” She also scoffed at the notion that it was her responsibility to provide evidence to support her claim that a French journalist, Gilles Jacquier, was killed by rebel shelling in Homs last month while on a government-guided media tour.

In the interview Ms. Phelan, who had elected not to take part in that tour of Homs, repeated several assertions she made in a report for Press TV and on her personal blog about the circumstances of Mr. Jacquier’s death that contradicted the accounts of journalists who were present when he was killed. Pressed on the source of her information, Ms. Phelan did admit that her account of Mr. Jacquier’s death was based in part on an elaborate conspiracy theory published recently by the Voltaire Network, a Web site edited by a French intellectual who claims that the 9/11 terrorist attacks in New York and Washington were staged by the United States.


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Thứ Hai, 13 tháng 2, 2012

Arabs pledge support for Syria opposition

CAIRO/AMMAN (Reuters) - Syrian forces resumed their bombardment of the city of Homs on Monday after Arab countries called for U.N. peacekeepers and pledged their firm support for the opposition battling President Bashar al-Assad.

Opposition campaigners said tank fire was concentrated on two large Sunni Muslim neighborhoods that have been at the forefront of opposition to Assad. They said 23 people were killed on Sunday after a lull in shelling the previous day.

The government's assault on Homs has spurred Arab countries to ostracize Assad and promise tougher action. At a meeting in Cairo on Sunday, Arab League foreign ministers pledged for the first time to aid the opposition battling to overthrow Assad.

The League also called on the U.N. Security Council to authorize a peacekeeping force, a challenge to Russia and China which have so far used their veto power to block action by the world body, most recently on Feb 4.

In Homs, government troops concentrated their fire on Baba Amro neighborhood in the south of the city and al-Waer in the West, which borders the Military College, a main assembly point for tanks and government troops, opposition campaigners said.

"Tank shelling has been non-stop on Baba Amro and the bombardment on al-Wear began overnight," activist Mohammad al-Hassan said by phone.

He said al-Waer, scene of large pro-democracy demonstrations for months, had come under attack in the last several days from pro-Assad militia known as shabbiha.

"We heard that the Free Syrian Army has started responding by attacking roadblocks being manned by shabbiha. Communications with al-Waer have been cut off and the sound of shelling can be now heard," Hassan said.

The Free Syrian Army, led by defectors, has taken the main role in armed opposition to Assad's government. Accounts on the ground are difficult to verify because Syria restricts access by journalists.

The resolution approved by Arab League ministers in Cairo called for "opening communication channels with the Syrian opposition and providing all forms of political and material support to it," a remarkable statement from a body once known for keeping out of the internal affairs of its members.

The Arab League has turned decisively against Assad, led by Saudi Arabia and other Sunni-ruled Gulf monarchies who have long resented Assad's close ties to Shi'ite regional rival Iran.

The resolution did not spell out whether its proposed joint U.N.-Arab peacekeeping force would involve armed troops, or whether the aid offered to the opposition would include weapons.

If so, it would be the second time in less than a year the Arab League had called for outside intervention in an Arab state. Its decision to back a no-fly zone in Libya last March led to Western bombing that helped bring down Muammar Gaddafi.

Syria's uprising, in which the United Nations says more than 5,000 people have died, has become one of the bloodiest of the Arab Spring revolts sweeping the region since the end of 2010.

Any peacekeeping mission would require consensus from foreign powers, who have been divided on how to resolve a conflict that is descending into a civil war.

Moscow and Beijing drew strong criticism from the West after they prevented the Security Council on February 4 from backing an Arab plan that called for Assad to give up his powers. However, Western powers so far have shown no appetite for military action, despite their condemnation of the repression of the uprising.

Syria called the League's resolution "a flagrant departure from the group's charter and a hostile act that targets Syria's security and stability." Assad's government says it is fighting an insurgency by militants funded from abroad, and Arab states have turned against it as part of a regional power grab.

At the United Nations, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon's spokesperson said the U.N. chief supported the "efforts of the League of Arab States to stop the violence in Syria and to seek a peaceful resolution of the crisis that meets the democratic and legitimate aspirations of the Syrian people."

"Action on the specific requests of the League will be a matter for the Security Council to consider, and he will remain in close contact with Member States as they take up these requests," Ban's spokesperson said in the statement.

Earlier on Sunday, Tunisia said it would host the first meeting on February 24 of a "Friends of Syria" contact group made up of Arab and other states and backed by the West. A similar Libya contact group played a vital role in coordinating Western and Arab aid to that country's rebels last year.

"The Syrian people deserve freedom as much as their brothers in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and other Arab states that witnessed major political change," Tunisian Foreign Minister Rafik Ben Abdessalem told the ministers in Cairo.

RAIDS

On Sunday amour-backed troops raided the al-Inshaat district of Homs, which has seen several incursions by loyalist troops over the past week. Tanks ran over civilian cars and troops ransacked houses and burned furniture in the streets as collective punishment, a statement by the Coalition of Free Homs said.

"The regime wants to punish the civilian population for supporting the Free Syrian Army," the statement said.

A Syrian Red Crescent aid convoy had reached Homs and volunteers were distributing food, medical supplies, and blankets to thousands of people affected by the violence, the International Committee of the Red Cross said in a statement.

"The population, particularly the wounded and sick, are bearing the brunt of the violence," the ICRC chief in Damascus, Marianne Gasser, said.

Activists said Red Crescent aid teams had been to districts populated by members of Assad's Alawite sect but had not reached Sunni neighborhoods that bore the brunt of shelling.

A YouTube video showed a doctor in the Sunni al-Bayada district with the bodies of three men on the floor, the body of a woman on a table and an injured man on a bed, with no signs of any medical equipment except for an oxygen bottle.

"We do not have any medicine, equipment or staff. The hospital is this four meter (yard) by four meter room," the doctor said.

"The Red Crescent does not come here because the (army) shells it when it tries. Most of cases we receive are dying form bleeding because we don't have any blood units."

A lull in the bombardment earlier in the day prompted anti-Assad rallies in Qusour, Bayada and Khalidua and Bab Houd districts of Homs. Demonstrations also broke out in Houla in the nearby countryside, which has also been under bombardment.

YouTube footage showed hundreds of youths holding shoulders and dancing under white-and-green Syrian flags from the time before Assad's Baath Party took power in a 1963 coup.

"Dignified Homs is dying. The world sold it by its silence, Mothers are suffering, but our dear God does not forget anyone," an activist sings as a crowd dances in front of him.

In the city of Hama, 50 km (28 miles) north of Homs, loyalist forces backed by tanks and armored vehicles raided neighborhoods on Sunday near the countryside where the Free Syrian Army has been active.

"It is the third day of such incursions. They fire heavy machineguns and anti-aircraft guns at random the, then they go in and raid houses and arrest dozens of people. The objective is to separate Hama from the countryside," activist Fady al-Jaber said from Hama.

He said tank fire killed three people on the edge of the city on Saturday and that families had started to flee the area.

Crowds on Sunday attended the funerals of some of 28 people killed in bombings of two military sites in the northern city of Aleppo on Friday - attacks the government cited as proof of its contention that it is fighting foreign-backed terrorists.

At one funeral, Ahmed Badr al-Din Hassoun, mufti of Syria, appealed to the opposition to end its campaign.

"Enough. Enough. Enough. Why, brothers in the opposition, do you want to burn down your country? Why do you want to shed blood?" he said.

He also urged Assad to stamp out corruption, saying "this way it will not remain a pretext for those who want to destroy this nation." Syrian state television reported that Assad, who says he is introducing reforms to meet the opposition demands, received a new draft constitution on Sunday.

"When the constitution is recognized Syria will have taken the most important step toward a legal and constitutional framework for transitioning the country to a new era...that will achieve what we all aspire to," Hassoun was quoted as saying.

(Additional reporting by Edmund Blair in Cairo and Erika Solomon in Beirut; Writing by Peter Graff; Editing by Michael Roddy)


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Video pleas from Syria: What is the world waiting for?

Syrian activists call for help from abroad as President Bashar al-Assad's forces continue to bombard rebel neighborhoods in Homs

Anger is boiling over in Syria. Tens of thousands of Syrians took to the streets Friday to protest against Russia for vetoing a U.N. resolution that would have condemned President Bashar al-Assad's deadly crackdown on a pro-democracy uprising. And as Assad's forces continued their bombardment of Homs, the country's third largest city, activists posted internet videos begging foreign leaders to do something to stop the killing. In one disturbing clip, activist Danny Abdul Dayem stands next to the corpse of a child in a field hospital, and implores, "Is this what the U.N. is waiting for?" (See the video below.) What will it take to end the violence in Syria?

First, anti-Assad forces must unite: "The people of Syria deserve better," says The Economist, but they won't get it as long as the opposition remains divided. "The Syrian National Council is a divided gaggle of exiles," and Assad's rivals inside the country are "a ragtag of militias, gangs, and the Free Syrian Army," which consists mainly of army defectors. Alone, none of these forces is any match for Assad's tanks. If they put up a united front, outsiders can help — and arm — them, and together they can prevail.
"How to set Syria free"

Then foreign leaders must quit delaying: "If the Europeans play their cards right," says Luke Coffey at The Foundry, they could "place tremendous pressure on the regime." The EU is "Syria's number one trading partner," and if Europe freezes the assets of Syria's central bank and bans commercial air travel from the EU to Syria, Assad might think twice about his crackdown. But European foreign ministers aren't even meeting about sanctions until Feb. 27. That dawdling is appalling. "International crises do not fit neatly into bureacratic timetables... February 27 is a long time to wait for people fighting for their lives in Homs."
"EU should act quickly on Syria"

Sorry, but Syrians will have to keep waiting: The West sees Assad as a "doomed despot" whose days in power are numbered, says Tony Karon at TIME. But Assad's ruling Allawite minority views this fight as "a battle to avoid the fate that befell Iraq's Sunnis after the fall of their brutal benefactor, Saddam Hussein." And with no foreign military intervention in sight, Assad's forces will be able to hold on for quite awhile. Sadly, thousands more Syrians may die before there's "a plausible end-game."
"Why Syrians fight, and why their civil war may be a long one"

Watch activist Danny Abdul Dayem's plea for foreign help. (Warning: Contains disturbing images)

SEE MORE: Ousting Syria's Assad: Whose responsibility is it?

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Thứ Sáu, 10 tháng 2, 2012

Video pleas from Syria: What is the world waiting for?

Syrian activists call for help from abroad as President Bashar al-Assad's forces continue to bombard rebel neighborhoods in Homs

Anger is boiling over in Syria. Tens of thousands of Syrians took to the streets Friday to protest against Russia for vetoing a U.N. resolution that would have condemned President Bashar al-Assad's deadly crackdown on a pro-democracy uprising. And as Assad's forces continued their bombardment of Homs, the country's third largest city, activists posted internet videos begging foreign leaders to do something to stop the killing. In one disturbing clip, activist Danny Abdul Dayem stands next to the corpse of a child in a field hospital, and implores, "Is this what the U.N. is waiting for?" (See the video below.) What will it take to end the violence in Syria?

First, anti-Assad forces must unite: "The people of Syria deserve better," says The Economist, but they won't get it as long as the opposition remains divided. "The Syrian National Council is a divided gaggle of exiles," and Assad's rivals inside the country are "a ragtag of militias, gangs, and the Free Syrian Army," which consists mainly of army defectors. Alone, none of these forces is any match for Assad's tanks. If they put up a united front, outsiders can help — and arm — them, and together they can prevail.
"How to set Syria free"

Then foreign leaders must quit delaying: "If the Europeans play their cards right," says Luke Coffey at The Foundry, they could "place tremendous pressure on the regime." The EU is "Syria's number one trading partner," and if Europe freezes the assets of Syria's central bank and bans commercial air travel from the EU to Syria, Assad might think twice about his crackdown. But European foreign ministers aren't even meeting about sanctions until Feb. 27. That dawdling is appalling. "International crises do not fit neatly into bureacratic timetables... February 27 is a long time to wait for people fighting for their lives in Homs."
"EU should act quickly on Syria"

Sorry, but Syrians will have to keep waiting: The West sees Assad as a "doomed despot" whose days in power are numbered, says Tony Karon at TIME. But Assad's ruling Allawite minority views this fight as "a battle to avoid the fate that befell Iraq's Sunnis after the fall of their brutal benefactor, Saddam Hussein." And with no foreign military intervention in sight, Assad's forces will be able to hold on for quite awhile. Sadly, thousands more Syrians may die before there's "a plausible end-game."
"Why Syrians fight, and why their civil war may be a long one"

Watch activist Danny Abdul Dayem's plea for foreign help. (Warning: Contains disturbing images)

SEE MORE: Ousting Syria's Assad: Whose responsibility is it?

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Thứ Hai, 6 tháng 2, 2012

Closing the U.S. embassy in Syria: Will it help?

As Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's forces shell dissenters, Washington summons its diplomats home

On Monday, as the Syrian military unleashed an unprecedented heavy artillery bombardment on the rebel stronghold of Homs, the Obama administration closed the U.S. embassy in Damascus. The departure of Ambassador Robert Ford and all other U.S. diplomats comes two weeks after Washington warned the government of Bashar al-Assad that the U.S. would pull out unless Syria stepped up security around the embassy, and just two two days after Russia and China vetoed a U.N. resolution condemning Assad. How will the Obama administration's decision affect its effort to compel Assad to make way for democratic reform?

It seems we're giving up on Syria: You know "a country is on the verge of collapse when the U.S. embassy shutters its doors and gets out of Dodge," says Elise Labott at CNN. Although the U.S. isn't cutting diplomatic ties with Syria, "the move will likely be seen as a message to Syria that "we are done with you." After the departure of Ford, an outspoken critic of Assad's deadly crackdown, other countries will follow, "leaving a black hole in both independent observers to the violence and outreach to the opposition."
"Why leave Syria"

Actually, this tightens Assad's noose: Closing the embassy amounts to a "dramatic escalation of Western pressure on President Bashar al-Assad to give up power," says Bassem Mroue for the Associated Press. It underscores Assad's growing isolation, and changes the momentum just after Russia and China gave him some breathing room at the U.N.
"U.S. closes Syrian embassy, presses Assad to go"

The administration should have done this long ago: "Perhaps we can chalk this up to 'better late than never,'" says Ed Morrissey at Hot Air. But we should never have sent Ford back to Syria after briefly calling him home last year. We have no business maintaining cordial relations with a government that is "actively opening fire on its own people" — that's why we bombed Libya. 
"U.S. closes Syrian embassy after almost a year of military attacks on civilians"

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The brewing proxy war in Syria

As Western governments clamor for Bashar al-Assad's ouster, they roar toward a dangerous conflict with Syria's Russian and Iranian patrons

In recent days, Western governments have loudly expressed outrage over the Russian and Chinese vetoes of a U.N. resolution condemning the Syrian government for its crimes and calling on President Bashar al-Assad to step aside. But this reaction has obscured the symbolic nature of the resolution, and distracted attention from the unwillingness on the part of all members of the Security Council to intervene more directly in Syria. The root of Western outrage over the double-veto was the watered-down nature of the resolution, which, in a bid to broaden support, explicitly ruled out regime change and military action. Had the resolution passed, it would have demonstrated Syria's growing international isolation, but would have promised no consequences for non-compliance, and would have had no effect on Syrian regime behavior. 

As it was, Russia chose to protect its client from condemnation, and in the process rebuked Western powers for their perceived overreach in interpreting UNSCR 1973 — which authorized military action against Libya last spring. The double-veto on Syria now joins the list of recent Russian and Chinese vetoes to protect pariah states and clients, including opposition to U.N. resolutions against Myanmar in 2007 and Zimbabwe in 2008. As distasteful and obviously self-serving as the protection these states extend to other authoritarian regimes is, it is one of the trade-offs for affirming the sovereignty of U.N. member states and the support for international peace and security this provides.

SEE MORE: Has the Arab League failed in Syria?

The fall of the Assad regime is as unwelcome to Russia and Iran as it is desired by many in the West.

The vetoed resolution referred approvingly to an Arab League plan for a "Syrian-led political transition to a democratic, plural political system, in which citizens are equal regardless of their affiliations or ethnicities or beliefs." While this would be a very desirable and satisfactory outcome, there are already many worrisome signs that a post-Assad Syria will not be defined by pluralism and equality, but rather by majoritarianism and sectarianism. If Western governments take action that precipitates the collapse of the Syrian government, they will be partly responsible for putting Syria's minorities at risk and flooding Syria's neighbors with refugees.      

SEE MORE: Closing the U.S. embassy in Syria: Will it help?

During the debate over intervention in Libya, it was widely recognized that other abusive states, such as Syria, had patrons that Libya lacked, which was why intervention in Libya was politically feasible in the first place. Libya's strategic insignificance was the key to building international consensus to authorize action against Moammar Gadhafi. Syria is a very different case, as the fall of the Assad regime is as unwelcome to Russia and Iran as it is desired by many in the West.  

This is not only a recipe for deadlock at the U.N., but also for a clash of interests between Assad's patrons and Assad's enemies that could lead to a larger crisis. As we hear more calls in the U.S. and Europe to support anti-regime forces, Western governments and Syria's Russian and Iranian patrons are on a path to make Syria's internal conflict into a proxy war. That seems likely to escalate and prolong the suffering of Syrians and to destabilize the region.    

SEE MORE: Why Russia won't take a stand against Syria: 4 theories

Western governments need to be careful not to trample on the principle of state sovereignty too often. Great power interference in the affairs of weaker and smaller neighbors will never entirely disappear, but Western governments should be wary of providing future legal and rhetorical justifications for intervention by illiberal and authoritarian states. The arguments that Western interventionists use today may come back to haunt them when authoritarian states use them to intimidate smaller neighbors and carve out spheres of influence. We saw a preview of how that can happen in 2008 during the Russian-Georgian war, which was partly a delayed reaction to and an imitation of Western intervention in Kosovo. We should not dismiss the possibility that weak pro-Western states may be subjected to similar treatment.

Sovereignty should not be a license for a government to abuse its people, and there are clear cases when states forfeit the protections of sovereignty. Even so, sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of other states are the foundations of the modern international order, and they have contributed, however imperfectly, to keeping the international peace for decades. We weaken those foundations at our peril, and we jeopardize the small states that benefit most from the current international system. 

SEE MORE: Syria's twin suicide bombings: Who's to blame?

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Why Russia won't take a stand against Syria: 4 theories

Moscow and Beijing block a United Nations effort to condemn Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. What is Russia hoping to gain?

Just as Syria stepped up shelling on the rebel stronghold of Homs, Russia and China outraged the West over the weekend by vetoing a United Nations Security Council resolution condemning the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad for its deadly crackdown on anti-government protesters. Russia and China called the proposal "unbalanced," arguing that it focused solely on Assad without targeting armed opposition groups. Moscow maintains that it wants to promote stability and democratic reform, and will dispatch Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov to meet with Assad this week. Susan Rice, the U.S. ambassador to the U.N., says Russia is just trying to "shield a craven tyrant." Why is Moscow really standing in the way of the international effort to oust Assad? Here, four theories: 

1. Syria is key to Russia's Middle East strategy
Moscow wants to hang onto its "sole major foothold in the Arab world," say William Maclean and Steve Gutterman at Reuters. Syria was a client of the Soviet Union, and Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, who hopes to return to the presidency in March, wants to keep it in his orbit. With good reason, says Juan Cole at Informed Comment. Syria hosts Russia's only base on the Mediterranean. Without Syria, Russia can't counter the U.S. in the Middle East.

SEE MORE: Has the Arab League failed in Syria?

2. Syria spends a fortune on Russian weapons
"The fact that Russia still supplies arms to the Syrian security forces clearly weighed heavily on the vote," says David Dayen at Firedoglake. Syria is the largest importer of Russian weapons in the Middle East. Assad's regime has signed contracts for 24 MiG-29M/M2 fighter jets and eight Buk-M2E air-defense systems. Another deal for anti-ship defenses armed with supersonic cruise missiles is in the works. Russia doesn't want to lose this lucrative relationship.

3. Russia doesn't think it's the U.N.'s job to fix Syria
"Moscow fully accepts that Syria has serious internal problems," says Charles Crawford at Britain's Telegraph, "but takes the view that those problems are for Syrians themselves to sort out." Russia is willing to wait and see whether "the opposition forces lined up against Assad are tough enough to do what it takes — including incurring casualties on a massive scale, tens of thousands of casualties more than anything seen so far — to overthrow him without sneaky Western direct military support, as was given in Libya."

SEE MORE: Is Syria's election a sham?

4. Russia fears another Libya
Russia and China "had their fingers burned" by failing to block last year's resolution on Libya, says Cole at Informed Comment, only to see the U.N.-authorized no-fly zone transformed into an instrument of regime change. They don't want to see that happen again. But the Libya solution probably wouldn't work in Syria, anyway, says Doug Mataconis at Outside the Beltway. "The Syrians don't seem to be using air power against civilians and rebelling military elements the way the Libyans did." This is urban warfare, which is far harder to fight from the air, and "I seriously doubt that there's any nation on Earth that would be willing to send ground troops into Syria at this point."

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